Aboriginal self-determination and autonomy

Self-determination is a term used to describe that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people take matters into their own hands.

To be successful in self-determination Indigenous people need

• support,
• the freedom to be ambitious and creative, and to be themselves,
• knowledge of what has and hasn't worked elsewhere,
• permission to make mistakes, and
• a stable policy environment that encourages and supports Indigenous solutions.

Self-determination and land rights is not just the power to say no, it's the power to say yes as well. Otherwise what we own is only half of what we're entitled to. —Noel Pearson, Aboriginal lawyer and elder [20]

Self-determination principles

Waltja Tjutangku is a successful Aboriginal community-based family service assisting communities to develop self-management and self-determination.

They defined the following principles for Aboriginal self-determination [16].

• Family. The family is the foundation of the Aboriginal community and identity. Service delivery is most effective when it occurs in the context of the broad family as understood by Aboriginal people.
• Community. Partnerships with Aboriginal communities are the most effective way of providing services to respond to identified needs.
• Proximity. The most effective services are provided by local community people who have access to training and support.

Self-determination means consultation

Self-determination is not about letting Indigenous peoples run programs designed by someone else.

Many Australian governments have been quick to determine what's 'best' for Aboriginal people failing to consult them in the process.

Some Australian politicians rather take 'initiative' than wait for consultations with Aboriginal people to come to an end. When it took too long for an agreement to be reached between Western Australia, developer Woodside and the Kimberley Land Council, Western Australia's premier simply announced that his government would compulsorily acquire the land where a $30 billion liquefied natural gas site had been proposed [26].

Tony Abbot, Coalition Shadow Minister in 2007, in a statement very close to racism, said "consultation is important, but the search for unanimity has long bedevilled good policy in this area. With Indigenous people it is hard to establish consensus. If we wait for a consensus we'd probably be waiting for ever." [25]

If we wait for a consensus we'd probably be waiting for ever. —Tony Abbot, Coalition Shadow Minister in 2006 [25]

Sidney Watts from Alice Springs found that "there are too many letters to newspapers from obviously intelligent and highly knowledgeable non-Aboriginal people telling us the solutions to our problems and what we have to do. We're told the problem is alcohol, the problem is violence, the problem is this and the problem is that."

The problem is that there are too many non-Aboriginal people dictating our future and thinking that we are not capable of managing our own affairs. —Sidney Watts, Alice Springs [17]

There are also all those whitefellas out there who are arrogant enough to believe that they know what is good for us and are very happy to use us to run their own agendas. —Bess Nungarrayi Price, Chair, Northern Territory Indigenous Affairs Advisory Council [18]

Lack of government consultation costs millions

Several reports highlight that the Australian government shows a lack of consulting with Aboriginal people, wasting millions of dollars in the process.

More funding is not the answer to the problems of Aboriginal people. Increased funding "of non-Aboriginal organisations to deliver Aboriginal programs has not worked," finds Bill Pritchard, CEO of the Aboriginal Child, Family and Community Care State Secretariat [29].

Instead, local communities should find solutions to local issues and develop local service systems. These can then be funded.

Reports label the return on government investment as 'poor', say its programs achieve little and "seriously lack transparency and accountability" and outcomes are 'appalling' [29].

The government spends tens of billions of dollars on Aboriginal programs. In 2008-2009 the NSW government spent $2.65 billion on delivering services to Aboriginal people [29].

Aboriginal people need Aboriginal people

"Initiatives developed on the ground, by the people for the people, have a far greater likelihood of working. It's a model for self-determination," says Linda Burney, NSW Community Services Minister and Wiradjuri woman [4].

"We've settled our governance arrangements by ourselves; it's been many years of work by people who have been prepared to put their differences aside and work together on shared goals. The fact that we've taken ownership of the problem is 50 per cent of the solution," adds Sam Jeffries, head of the Murdi Paaki community leader group [4].

Aboriginal people can react sensitively when they are not allowed to be part of a decision process. Aboriginal lawyer and elder Noel Pearson who is involved in many political debates was told by his people to "leave it to every individual to decide" [20] and he feels a "collective responsibility" is a necessary part of self-determination.

Aboriginal people traditionally were very fragmented groups, unlike the Maori in New Zealand who are one united people. Some Aboriginal people call to "unite with the land and spirit" in order to face the government and Aboriginal challenges. "Our people need help but we need to help each other," remarks Sue Rankin, a Kulin woman from Adelaide [27].

We are the people we've been waiting for. —Mary Victor O'Reeri, Aboriginal community of Billard, Western Australia [5]

When James Anaya, UN Rapporteur visited Aboriginal communities in 2009, he said: "I have observed numerous successful indigenous programmes already in place to address issues of alcoholism, domestic violence, health, education, and other areas of concern, in ways that are culturally appropriate and adapted to local needs, and these efforts need to be included in and supported by the Government response, both logistically and financially. In particular, it is essential to provide continued funding to programmes that have already demonstrated achievements." [28].

Resource: 13 Aboriginal success stories

A Better Way showcases 13 successful Aboriginal community-controlled organisations in the Northern Territory that are working across a diverse range of sectors. All feature Aboriginal management and administration, are responsive to local community needs and priorities and work in partnership with other organisations.

They are tackling petrol sniffing, delivering health care, ensuring access to healthy foods, building self-reliance in times of financial crisis, supporting people to budget and eat well and delivering banking services to remote areas.

The booklet is available free from the Australians for Native Title and Reconciliation (ANTaR) website.

Local Aboriginal Land Councils

A vital part of Aboriginal self-determination are local Aboriginal land councils (LALCs). Only they can solve Indigenous problems from an Aboriginal perspective, and some are very successful in doing so.

Local Aboriginal land councils are usually closely connected to the communities they serve, some are asset rich. They have creative, innovative and constructive ideas on how to support their people to get to a point of self-determination.

Examples of their work are [24]

• an innovative housing program that supports Aboriginal people to stand on their own feet;
• an Aboriginal-owned and -run family medical practice that breaks down the cultural barriers that often stands between them and good health;
• a learning program to educate Aboriginal people about land management so that they can be employed on lands owned by land councils;
• job training programs, and many more.

"These programs combine health, housing, education and employment in a meaningful way that results in real jobs, a better life and self-sufficiency for the participants. Isn't that the goal of the endless line of government programs aimed at Aboriginal people?" asks Jack Johnson, lawyer and CEO of the Gandangara Local Aboriginal Land Council [24].

The boundaries of local Aboriginal land councils were set in the Aboriginal Land Rights Act (1983).

Culture of victimisation prevents empowerment

Aboriginal self-determination requires to Aboriginal people to drop their perceived roles of 'victims' and 'powerless' people and get together to take matters into their own hands.

Aboriginal educator Dr Chris Sarra distinguishes between two types of 'leadership' within Aboriginal communities. One focusses on 'being the victim' and making use of the victim culture, the other uses 'blaming the victim' as an approach to denigrate Aboriginal people [30].

Being the victim

When Aboriginal leaders encourage victimhood they leave Aboriginal people powerless to act on their own behalf. They also shape the perception of non-Aboriginal people who come to believe that Aboriginal people are always begging for more and not interested in managing their own affairs.

As victims, Aboriginal people "are encouraged to see themselves as victims, victims who should be compensated in some way or every way by the victimisers for their historical grievances," explains Dr Sarra [30].

With this approach things happen 'to' Aboriginal people, not 'with' them.

If you keep drinking, you keep fighting and you keep showing your kids that you don't care about them, then you are showing them that you do not care about our ancestors.
You are showing them that you have no respect for yourself or for your country and your people. You are showing them that it is okay to give up, roll over and die and you are showing them how to live life as a victim. Sidney Watts, Alice Springs [17]

Blaming the victim

When leaders blame Aboriginal people for being victims they say things like "If I can make it you should be able to make it too!".

But this approach whitewashes whoever is responsible for the success of programs and dismisses that every story is different and might be very complex. It lays the blame for deficits or dysfunction at the feet of Aboriginal people instead.

People are blamed for outcomes beyond their control. One example is when teachers expect Aboriginal students to perform poorly.

Dr Sarra sees both types as an exit from responsibility. "When one is busy being the victim or booting the victim, very rarely does one stop to ask: What am I doing to contribute to underachievement? What am I doing to contribute to the 'disadvantage' and victimisation of Indigenous communities?" [30].

Both approaches emphasise a negative perception of Aboriginal people by non-Aboriginal Australians who think they are hopeless, despicable and have to be pitied or require draconian interventions.

Should self-determination be included in the Constitution?

In 2011 Australians were given a referendum to recognise Aboriginal people in the preamble of the Constitution.

Geoff Clark, former chairman of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission, does not believe that self-determination needs to be included in the Constitution's preamble.

"Aborigines probably already have the right of self-determination quite independent of the Australian Constitution," he says [22]. He believes that any such inclusion would be "read down" by judges as has been done in the past with native title.

Clark suggests to include a simple clause in the body of the Constitution "that the consent of the Aboriginal people is required for the application for laws and policies that may have an effect on Aboriginal people." [22] Such a clause would have stopped the Northern Territory Intervention.

Aboriginal people & the right to vote

When Victoria, New South Wales, Tasmania and South Australia framed their constitutions in the 1850s they gave voting rights to all male British subjects over 21, which included Aboriginal men. And in 1895 when South Australia gave women the right to vote and sit in Parliament, Aboriginal women shared the right. Only Queensland and Western Australia barred Aborigines from voting. [15]

Very few Aborigines knew their rights so very few voted. In the 1890s, Aboriginal men and women voted at Point McLeay, a mission station near the mouth of the Murray, in South Australian elections and voted for the first Commonwealth Parliament in 1901.

But voting rights for Aboriginal people were cut back in the first half of the 21th century. It wasn't until 1962 when the Menzies Liberal and Country Party government gave the Commonwealth vote to all Aboriginal people in 1962 [15]. Western Australia gave them State votes in the same year. Queensland followed in 1965. With that, all Aborigines had full and equal rights. In 1971 the Liberal Party nominated Neville Bonner to fill a vacant seat in the Senate. He was the first Aboriginal man to sit in any Australian Parliament.

Voting challenges

While in theory Aboriginal people have 'full voting rights', in practice things look different.

Many of them are not recognised by Australian Electoral Commission (AEC) enrolment criteria. If they live in remote communities they may not have a fixed residential address but a main remote community address. Current legislation does not recognise the special circumstances of Aboriginal culture.

If Aboriginal (or non-Indigenous) people are incarcerated they are only allowed to vote if their sentence is less than three years.

In 2011, less than 50% of eligible Aboriginal electors wee enrolled to vote [32]. Of those who were enrolled, fewer than 50% turned up to vote and those who do vote are 3 times more likely to vote informally than other voters [32].

Keepin' It Cool…

A poem celebrating 40 years of Aboriginal voting rights.

Keeping it cool 
Keeping it strong 
Can start 
The lyrics 
For this song

Proud of heritage 
Real history today 
Stand up 
Be counted 
As history is made

The oldest race
Australia be proud
Dance it
Sing it
You've got to be loud!

Our connection to country
Sunrise and sunset 
From outback 
To coastline 
Our seasonal net

40 years of voting 
It's real and true 
Marching 
And sharing 
Our point of view

Poem by Zelda Quakawoot, Mackay, QLD [14]. Read more Aboriginal poems.

Aboriginal political parties emerge

Aboriginal self-determination is best expressed in parties created by, and for, Aboriginal people. Aboriginal political activity increased in November 2009 when Marianne Mackay and Noongar/Yamatji man Glenn Moore launched the Aboriginal Party at Derbarl Yerrigan, in East Perth, Western Australia [11]. Every candidate of that party identified as Aboriginal.

At about the same time social justice advocate Gerry Georgatos founded the Ecological and Social Justice Group which led to the formation of the Ecological and Social Justice Party. The party's core principles were ecological sustainability, social justice and the remedy of Aboriginal discrimination. It aimed to give Aboriginal people a voice and support their right of self-determination. They aimed to have at least 25% of their endorsed candidates be Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islanders. [11]

Both parties merged to the Ecological, Social Justice, Aboriginal Party (ESJAP) in January 2010 with Glenn Moore as its inaugural president, Marianne Mackay as Party Secretary and Gerry Georgatos as Party Leader. In May the ESJAP counted 925 members.

The ESJAP contacted the Australian Electoral Commission for registration as a political party, a process which can take up to three months. Unfortunately an election was called by Prime Minister Julia Gillard for August 21st, and the ESJAP could not register in time to be able to have their party name on the federal ballot.

We need to educate our people about the power of our right to vote. There is no limit to what we can achieve through activating people and raising their awareness to the part they can play in restoring our rights and privileges as Australia's First People. —Glenn Moore, Interim Party President, Ecological, Social Justice and Aboriginal Party [12]

The First Nations Political Party forms

Meanwhile, in the Northern Territory the First Nations Original Peoples Party (FNOPP) was lead by Maurie Ryan, grandson of prominent Aboriginal rights activist Vincent Lingiari, and Ken Lechleitner [12].

The FNOPP and ESJAP parties united in May 2010, federally registered as the First Nations Political Party (FNPP), bringing their combined membership base to over 2,000 people [11].

Due to an early election call in 2010 the FNPP missed out being formally registered for the election. Instead its candidates stood as independents.

The party was registered with the Australian Electoral Commission in January 2011.

Governments before us have continuously forgotten about Aboriginal people, so by coming together ourselves and working together to make the foundations as strong as possible, we can achieve for our people what we have for so long sought. We have been ignored for too long and now its our turn to turn the tables. —Marianne Mackay, Ecological, Social Justice, Aboriginal Party [11]

Read more

• Read about Aboriginal politics including the Wave Hill Walk-Off
• Learn about the history of Aboriginal parties and self-determination on the website of the Ecological, Social Justice, Aboriginal Party
• Check out the site of the First Nations Political Party

Self-determination in tourism

A high number of tourists to Australia want to interact with Aboriginal people and learn about their culture. This seems to match with what Aboriginal people want—the tourist industry is what they feel is compatible with their cultural, economic and social goals [2].

Aboriginal spirituality is high on the list of many tourists visiting Australia, so much so, that some propose to take local traditional tourism to another level and promote it as spiritual tourism to teach people about the spirituality of the region [8].

"A spiritual tourist is a person who travels as a tourist for spiritual growth or development, without overt religious compulsions," says Farooq Haq, a business lecturer at Charles Darwin University [8].

But a venture in the tourism industry is not without risk. Aboriginal communities need to be mindful not to create programs that miss their target or develop programs in areas that are inaccessible to tourists.

Tourism is a good way to [pass on cultural knowledge] and it helps to build pride in our young people and helps them to have confidence when talking with whitefellas. —Dillon Andrews, Bungoolee Aboriginal Tours, Fitzroy Crossing, Western Australia [2]

Aboriginal corporation purchases Ayers Rock Resort

15 years after Uluru was handed back to its traditional owners the Indigenous Land Corporation (ILC) announced on 15 October 2010 that it had purchased the Ayers Rock Resort and all associated infrastructure for A$300 million [19].

The deal is a big step towards Aboriginal self-determination in Central Australia. Through a local organisation, the Anangu tribe will acquire a stake in the enterprise and play a "continuing role" in resort operation and management.

The ILC plans to establish a national Indigenous tourism training academy at Yulara. The acquisition will also lead to the return of 104,000 hectares of culturally significant freehold land to Anangu traditional owners.

We have watched the resort be built and grow over the last 30 years, but Anangu were always outside. WE hoped that the resort would provide training and jobs for us, but that's never really happened. —Margaret Smith, Chairperson, Wana Ungkunytja [19]

The resort will be a place we are proud of—somewhere where visitors can come and learn about Anangu and our country. —Margaret Smith [19]

Self-determination in the US

There is "ample evidence" that the US policy of self-determination, formally adopted in the 1970s, is the only US Indian policy ever linked to sustained improvements in socioeconomic conditions in Indian communities [10].

The North American experience shows that self-determination pays off, provided that Indigenous tribes not only assume responsibility for their own affairs but invest time and energy in building governing institutions that can capably exercise decision-making power and that have the support of their own peoples. Non-indigenous governments must then take self-determination seriously.

Aboriginal representative bodies

Aboriginal self-determination is strongly linked to a representative body. Contrary to New Zealand's Indigenous Maori people who have a strong history of unity which helped them face their invaders as one, Aboriginal people of Australia have always been fragmented and acted more locally not the least because of the multitude of languages.

A strong institution that can unify Indigenous communities and hold governments accountable is a critical component of meaningful self-determination. —Jacqueline Pata, administrative head of the National Congress of American Indians [23]

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC)

In 1990 the Australian government established the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC). The government body formally involved Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the processes of government affecting their lives.

In the early 2000s the ATSIC became more and more embroiled in controversy over its finances, powers and the activities of its last chair. One problem of the commission was that it had to provide some services and it was often blamed for poor delivery, even if the commission wasn't responsible for everything it was blamed for. In March 2005 the Howard government succeeded in abolishing the ATSIC.

"ATSIC wasn't perfect," says Russell Kapeen, a Bundjalung man from northern New South Wales and one of the Chairs of the Koori Mail Aboriginal newspaper. "But at least it was blackfellas governing blackfellas in a sense, and that's something we should be working towards again." [7]

National Congress of Australia's First Peoples (NCAFP)

In 2009, nearly five years after the abolition of the ATSIC the Australian government announced that it would support a new national representative body for Aboriginal Australians.

The National Congress of Australia's First Peoples emerged from a series of Aboriginal community meetings throughout the country, peak body talks, a national forum and written submissions [6].

Indigenous people wanted the new body to be independent from government, highly credible, and properly resourced. It should give advice, advocate, monitor and evaluate government performance on Indigenous issues, but not deliver services or programs (like ATSIC did).

The National Congress of Australia's First Peoples will

• be established as a company to be independent of the government,
• have a National Executive elected by an annual congress with representatives from key Indigenous organisations, individuals and community representatives;
• have guaranteed equal representation of men and women for both office holders and delegates,
• feature an Ethics Council to oversee its integrity and ethics of office holders.

The Congress has five primary objectives [21].

• Setting the standard for engagement in communities;
• Participation in parliamentary processes;
• Ensuring the UN Declaration of Rights for Indigenous Peoples was implemented;
• Harnessing collective voice and action; and
• Facilitating the generation of and contribution to knowledge.

On 8 June 2011 the National Congress of Australia's First Peoples gets the first elected board of 6 directors. At that time, the organisation has 2,300 members [23].

Critics of the NCAFP, including high-ranking politicians, reiterated time and again that they don't want to have "just another ATSIC", an argument rejected by the chairs.

"It is not a service delivery body; it's a representative body chosen by the people, not chosen or appointed by government, and it will conduct its own business through processes that the body has established itself," says Dr Kerry Arabena, the other inaugural Co-Chair [9]. "We are using private company law to fulfill our public citizenship potential. That's really important; we're using private law to fulfill a public outcome."

The main thing that keeps me interested in this process is Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people have been the ones that designed and constructed this model. —Sam Jeffries, inaugural full-time Co-Chair of the NCAFP [9]

Fact A similar organisation in America is the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI) which represents 565 tribes across the US. The NCAI is thought to be the "oldest, largest and most representative Indian organisation" in the US. It was established in the 1940s and is led by elected tribal officials [23].

Successful Aboriginal businesses

Imparja Television

Imparja Television is an Aboriginal-owned broadcasting station in Alice Springs, NT, operating since June 1988. Its services include National Indigenous Television (NITV) which was launched in mid-2007, and eight Aboriginal radio stations [3].

Nine Imparja has the largest broadcast area in Australia, covering 3.6 million square kilometres across six states and territories with an estimated audience of 430,000 people. It comes free-to-air and competes with the national market for advertising revenue.

Indigenous Business Australia (IBA)

Indigenous Business Australia is a government agency which

• assists and enhances Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander self-management and economic self-sufficiency and
• advances the commercial and economic interests of Indigenous people by accumulating and using capital assets.

One of the tasks of IBA is to help Aboriginal people achieve home ownership. In 2001 Indigenous home ownership was at 32% while the national non-Indigenous average was 68% [1]. IBA wants to raise this rate to 40%. In 2008 its customers come from NSW (29%), QLD (27%), NT (16%), VIC (10%) and WA (8%).

Indigenous Business Australia

Australia's first Aboriginal business book

Check out Neil Willmett's book How to Start a Successful Aboriginal Business in Australia which is Australia's first Aboriginal business book. A guide for every Aboriginal small business starter and owner.

[1] 'Homing in on an untold story', NIT 10/7/2008 p.24 [2] 'Tourism on the agenda', Koori Mail 429 p.37 [3] 'Imparja's new Alice studios officially open', Koori Mail 427 p.50 [4] 'West has some of our very best', Koori Mail 448 p.42 [5] 'A call to action', Koori Mail 458 p.6 [6] 'Govt to fund First People's Congress', Koori Mail 465 p.4 [7] 'Bundjalung man is right at home', Koori Mail 473 p.21 [8] 'Darwin could be 'spiritual mecca'', Koori Mail 473 p.33 [9] 'Co-Chairs ready to lead way', Koori Mail 475 p.4 [10] 'Can Australia follow Obama's lead?', Reconciliation News 5/2010 p.19 [11] esjap.org.au/History.html, visited 7/8/2010 [12] www.treatyrepublic.net/content/aboriginal-political-parties-unite, visited 7/8/2010 [13] www.firstnationspoliticalparty.org, visited 7/8/2010 [14] 'Keepin' it Cool', Koori Mail 481 p.24 [15] 'Indigenous people and the vote', www.aec.gov.au/voting/indigenous_vote/aborigin.htm, visited 8/8/2010 [16] 'Celebrating Indigenous success stories', ANTaR flyer 10/2010 [17] 'Time for NT to stand up', reader's letter, Koori Mail 485 p.24 [18] 'Thanks, Jenny Macklin', Koori Mail 485 p.26 [19] 'Rock solid deal', Koori Mail 487 p.1+6 [20] 'Cape crusader', Koori Mail 487 p.11 [21] 'Congress Co-chair answers the critics', Koori Mail 488 p.5 [22] 'This debate must be on just terms', readers' letter, Koori Mail 489 p.23 [23] 'Meet 'a beacon for the future'', Koori Mail 503 p.8 [24] 'Need for real improvement - not just good intentions', Koori Mail 503 p.26 [25] 'Sorry 'a 90s issue'', Koori Mail 416 p.10 [26] 'Gas threat', Koori Mail 484 p.1 [27] 'Sacred desert journey ignites spark of hope', Koori Mail 413 p.18 [28] 'Children of the Intervention', Submission to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, Concerned Australians, 6/2011 p.6 [29] 'Groups give support to new report', Koori Mail 512 p.6 [30] 'Sarra tells of another way ahead', Koori Mail 512 p.7 [31] 'Using art to encourage voter enrolment among Indigenous Australians', www.aec.gov.au/About_AEC/Media_releases/2011/12-12.htm and www.aec.gov.au/About_AEC/Publications/indigenous/posters.htm, retrieved 28/1/2012 [32] 'Classic posters encourage our people to vote', Koori Mail 517 p.34